July 04, 2014

Jorge Galindo of Politikon contests the likely decision by Spain’s PSOE to not vote for Juncker’s appointment as Commission President, arguing for the long-term objective that the “Community method” prevails over the intergovernmental approach that has served Europe so badly in the crisis;

    July 04, 2014

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    Why the left should support Juncker

    Blogging at Politikon, Jorge Galindo argues against Eduardo Madina’s statement that “his” PSOE MEPs would not support the appointment of Jean-Claude Juncker as EU Commission President, presumably deviating from the favourable vote of the rest of the PES European Parliament group. While personalised in Madina, this is a position shared by all of the PSOE leadership candidates. Galindo states that the Euro crisis is more political than economic, and that the intergovernmental method has been damaging to the EU as a political process. Hence the pre-election commitment by various national and European parties to the Spitzenkandidat process, to give the Commission a supranational political mandate. Even Alexis Tsipras, points out Galindo, said that “Juncker should be the first to attempt to form a majority” while corresponding with a number of concessions to the centre-left. As a left-wing majority (even with the support of the Liberals) appears impossible, the only alternative to Juncker is what Britain’s Cameron intended, imposing a candidate external to the Spizenkandidat process. Galindo ends by reminding the PSOE leadership that part of the job of politicians is to explain to the voters the short-term concessions necessary to achieve long-term goals, in this case for the Parliament to win its long-running tug-of-war against the Council and for Europe to prevail over the member states. 

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    July 04, 2014

    we take a closer look at the extent to which the leadership candidates for Spain’s PSOE diverge from the Brussels economic policy consensus, and find the gap is quite substantial;

      July 04, 2014

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      The PSOE’s economic programme through its leadership hopefuls

      With a thorough questionnaire on their blog last week, Economistas Frente a la Crisis probed the opinions of the candidates for secretary general of Spain’s PSOE, on which it is difficult to find substantive disagreements between them. Therefore, the exercise is more useful as evidence that the PSOE consensus diverges from the Brussels consensus. The interviews are lengthy, so we only report the parts clearly at variance with the European conventional wisdom. The respondents are Pedro Sánchez, Eduardo Madina and José Antonio Pérez Tapias, plus Alberto Sotillos who failed to obtain the necessary endorsements by party members to be declared a candidate this week.

       

      • On “competitiveness”, all candidates agree that for Spain improving productivity is preferable to reducing labour costs.
      • On tax reform, all agree fiscal balance should be achieved by raising tax revenues as both government revenue and expenditure are below the EU average; also, because of their greater potential for progressivity they support raising direct taxes rather than indirect (consumption) taxes.
      • To fight unemployment, all except Sotillos mention “aggregate demand”, to be increased at the European level; all reject “internal devaluation” as a job creation strategy and would roll back the PP’s labout market reforms as well as the idea that “normative rigidities” are responsible for high unemployment, preferring “active employment policies”.
      • On the welfare state, all are against cuts to education and health care which they consider cornerstones of the welfare state; Sotillos makes a special mention of support for families with dependents, which Sánchez puts forward as a as a way to support the welfare state while creating jobs; all defend the current pension system, with Madina and Sotillos arguing that sustainability would be assured just by solving the problem of high unemployment.
      • On European fiscal policy they all agree on the need to reform European fiscal rules, with different emphasis; Sánchez points out the zero deficit goal has no support in economic theory, Madina criticises the procyclical bias of current policies, Tapias advocates eliminating R&D spending from deficit calculations, and Sánchez aims at “democratizing” the ECB and rolling back key elements of the Maastricht treaty; only Madina defends on the introduction of a constitutional debt brake by Zapatero’s government in the Summer of 2011.
      • On Inequality, Sánchez proposes redistributive fiscal policy and reinforcing the welfare state, Madina focuses on improving education and increasing investment in it, and Tapias and Sotillos go for “basic income” solutions.
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      July 04, 2014

      Nicolas Sarkozy presents himself as a victim of unjust judges very much like Silvio Berlusconi;

        July 04, 2014

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        Sarkozy lashes out against judges, like Berlusconi

        Nicolas Sarkozy is on the frontpages of all newspapers with his televised counter offensive, in tone and attitude very much like Silvio Berlusconi, observes Mediapart and JDD. Like Berlusconi, Nicolas Sarkozy poses as a victim of illegitimate, terrorizing, cruel and unjust judges who are obsessed with political power. The UMP, meanwhile, is condemned to wait and see what the judges have to say. The leaders inside the party all came out in support of Sarkozy. Alain Juppe also made sure to take his distance after Sarkozy's TV intervention, saying that vilifying the judicial system seems not a good method. According to the latest CSA poll for Les Echos, Sarkozy's popularity is now trailing behind Alain Juppe for the first time. 

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        July 03, 2014

        Thomas Ochsner writes the minimum wage legislation in Germany has some design flaws – the biggest being the lack of voting rights by independent experts in the committee that revises the minimum wage in future years;

          July 03, 2014

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          On the German minimum wage

          Arguably the single most important legislation of the German grand coalition is the law to introduce a statutory minimum wage. The legislation will provide a floor of €8.50 per hour for all workers in all industries, with only a few exceptions, including for jobs earmarked for the long-term unemployed and for young people on training programmes. The German commentariat has enormous problems with the Mindestlohn because it believe that state interference in wages goes against free market principles. An enlightened sceptic is Thomas Ochsner of Suddeutsche Zeitung, who brought some constructive criticism about the way the law is implemented. He writes in an editorial that it was wrong for the government to set the initial wage, rather than leaves this decision to the committee that will have the job to revise the number in future years. He said this committee was too heavily influenced by the protagonists themselves – employers and trade unions – with no voting rights for independent experts – a situation that is different in the UK, where the independent advisers contributed greatly to the accepted of the minimum wage by many of the critics.

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          July 03, 2014

          we review the PSOE leadership contest between Pedro Sánchez, Eduardo Madina and José Antonio Pérez Tapias, in advance of a primary for the general election which hasn’t been called off;
          • there are few substantive policy disagreements among the candidates, and the PSOE in general rejects austerity and would be on board with Renzi in Europe.

          July 03, 2014

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          The PSOE leadership contest

          Spain’s PSOE is having a leadership contest to replace its current Secretary General Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba after the debacle in the European Elections, which will be resolved with a vote of party members on June 13 followed by a party conference on June 26/27. Three candidates have cleared the hurdle of receiving the endorsement of 5% of party members: Pedro Sánchez, Eduardo Madina, and José Antonio Pérez Tapias, reports EFE. A fourth candidate, Alberto Sotillos, did not get the requisite endorsements.

          Sánchez is an MP and economics professor from Madrid and sometimes said to represent the economic right wing of the party; Madina is an MP from the Basque country who’s also the whip of the PSOE parliamentary group in the Spanish parliament; and Pérez Tapias is a professor of philosophy in Granada and a former MP until the previous parliamentary term ending in 2011. Tapias, the older of the three, represents the left of the party as the candidate of minority faction Izquierda Socialista and is noted for being one of few Socialist MPs to have voted against introducing a debt brake in the Spanish constitution, one of the last acts of Zapatero’s government in September 2011. Sánchez could be considered a stalking horse candidate as he leads the other two in endorsements but had not been mentioned as a Secretary General hopeful before the current contest, unlike Madina who had been talked about for years alongside others who finally did not enter this contest. Both Sánchez and Madina take pains to deny they are the candidate of the party apparatus, reflecting general discontent among the party base. Tapias has stated that should he become Secretary General he would not run in a subsequent party primary to be the party’s candidate for Prime Minister in next year’s general election, but the others have made no such commitment. Before Rubalcaba’s announcement to step down, the PSOE had scheduled an open primary for its candidate for PM to be held in November. The primary process for the 2015 general election is one of the main issues to be decided by the upcoming party conference, and the PSOE is not used to having a candidate separate from the party secretary general, be it at the national or regional levels).

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          July 01, 2014

          Slovak PM promises a €250m package for poor households, with cuts in payroll charges, raising pensions and cutting gas prices by at least 10% over the next two years;

            July 01, 2014

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            Slovakia's fiscal boost for small income households

            The Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico Slovakia's said his government will raise the minimum wage and cut household gas prices as part of a €250m package for poorer households (This is about 0.3% of GDP), Reuters reports. As part of the package, the government said people with lower wages - about 800,000 in the nation of 5.5m - would pay lower payroll charges, a quasi-tax including health and social insurance. Fico said he would raise pensions and subsidise train tickets for students, pensioners and commuters. The government will also cut natural gas prices by at least 10% in the coming two years.

            Slovakia has overcome the euro zone debt crisis with fewer bruises than many other countries in the currency bloc. After years of austerity, the economy has been accelerating, boosting tax revenue. Last week, the Finance Ministry raised its 2014 tax revenue forecast by €290m, or about 0.4% of GDP. It expects the economy to grow by 2.3% this year and 3.0% in 2015.

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            July 01, 2014

            Mark Schieritz says the BIS’ annual report is unbelievably conservative and questions the BIS’ denial of the potential effectiveness of fiscal policy;
            • we argue the BIS is probably right to use the concept of a balance sheet recession, but we are puzzled about its optimism on inflation;

            July 01, 2014

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            Schieritz on the BIS

            Mark Schieritz takes a swipe at the conservatism of the Bank for International Settlements (see their annual report yesterday). He says it could have been written by the Bundesbank. The BIS understands this crisis as a balance sheet recession. But why should macroeconomic policy not work in such a circumstance? Why should one necessarily conclude that fiscal policy is ineffective? 

            What struck as puzzling is the BIS’ unbridled optimism on inflation. If you start with a framework of a Richard Koo-style balance sheet recession – which is probably a good starting point – should one not at least consider the possibility of a persistent fall in the inflation rate, which is what happened during Japan’s great balance sheet recession? As Koo has pointed out many times in the context of Japan, and as Schieritz argues in his piece, fiscal policy can become very powerful in those episodes. What strikes us about the BIS’ framework is not so much their conservatism (they are central bankers after all), but their inconsistency. This is neither neo-Classical, nor Keynesian, nor Monetarist. There may indeed be some parallels between the BIS and the Bundesbank. German conservatives embraced monetarism when it coincided with their world-view, and dumped it when that was no longer the case. This is why in Germany today almost nobody cares about low M3 growth rates, while pretending to be worried about asset prices, or whatever else would allow them to raise interest rates. Perhaps the BIS could enlighten us about the nature of its analytical framework. At least then, we could have a proper discussion.
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            June 26, 2014

            Germany's Laender budget deficit increased by €6bn, with budget situation worsening in eleven out of sixteen Laender;

              June 26, 2014

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              German Laender struggle with higher debt

              The German state might have a budget surplus but the regions struggle with rising debt. In eleven of Germany's 16 regions, the budget situation is currently worse than a year ago. Saxony, Bavaria and Lower Saxony are currently the only three Laender with a surplus; a year ago there were five. The regions spent €6bn more than their revenue income in the first five months this year, increasing the deficit to €1.8bn compared with the same period last year.  The reason for this development is increasing spending, Spiegel Online picked up from a Handelsblatt article. For staff, investment and the municipalities, the provinces spent more money on a broad front. Total expenditure increased by 4%, while revenues were only 2.7 % higher than the same period last year. Only the lower 8.3% interest expenditure prevented an even worse record, the newspaper writes. Also in the German towns and cities, social spending get out of hand. The local umbrella organizations expect an increase in cost in the region around €1.8bn annually. Social spending is the reason why the communes will not achieve a balanced budget for some time.

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              June 26, 2014

              Guntram Wolff argues that EU member states should forego a grand debate on fiscal rules, but should instead focus on investment;

                June 26, 2014

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                Wolff says don’t waste time on fiscal rules, focus on investment

                Guntram Wolff says the debate on fiscal rules is counter-productive. He makes three points. The first is there is not sufficient fiscal space in several countries for large-scale stimulus spending. The best governments can do is a reform of the state, and an adjustment in fiscal expenditures from social spending to growth enhancing public goods. The second is an explicit recognition that debt sustainability is hard to achieve when inflation rates are low, and those countries with fiscal headroom should invest in infrastructure, education or R&D. The third is a plea for more investment into European public goods.

                Points one and two constitute an ideal first-best scenario, but we do not think it is going to happen for political reasons. Renzi does not have sufficient political capital to undertake such a radical shift. And Germany will not breach its own “debt brake” – a constitutional law after all - for the benefit of third countries. The ECB, meanwhile, has clearly recognised that low inflation is a problem, but it is not clear that the tool they deployed will address the problem. It is going to very hard to pull the eurozone out of its misery by reliance on domestic programmes.
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                June 26, 2014

                A Ceps paper confirms Paul de Grauwe’s financial fragility hypothesis, and the notion that the OMT was instrumental in reversing the crisis;

                  June 26, 2014

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                  Testing Paul de Grauwe’s financial stability hypothesis

                  Orkun Saka, Ana-Maria Fuertes and Elena Kalotychou have been testing Paul de Grauwe financial fragility hypothesis, which says countries in a monetary union are prone to financial contagions. They provide further statistical evidence in support of the theory, and especially in support of the role played by the ECB’s OMT programme. However, the fragility is not gone. One source of potential conflict is the legal uncertainty resulting from the ruling of the German constitutional court. The finding of their study strongly supports the notion of a common backstop. 

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                  June 25, 2014

                  Ken Rogoff, meanwhile, argues that the eurozone should not force the periphery to repay all its debt, and should instead go down the route of a debt restrucuting – it wil be costly, but not as costly as the alternatives.

                    June 25, 2014

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                    Rogoff on how the eurozone should resolve the sovereign debt crisis

                    Ken Rogoff, writing in FAZ, has a good comment in FAZ, warning Germany not to force the debt repayment of its eurozone debtors. He writes that even if Northern Europe were to succeed to force the periphery to do repay the debt, it would be a mistake. It would be much better to accept a drastic reduction in sovereign debt through the bail-in of private creditors and with the help of maturity extensions. There will be losses to the northern European states, but these losses will be smaller than the losses of a permanently depressed eurozone. That would also much more powerful than a fiscal stimulus programme for Germany. 

                    We continue to disagree with him on the effectiveness of fiscal policy, which we think is particularly useful in times of a balance sheet recession. But his main point is very important – that a debt conference is the way to go. There can be no sustainable economic recovery given some of the large sovereign and private sector debt exposures.
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                    June 24, 2014

                    With Jean-Claude Juncker now firmly on course for the Commission presidency, the other jobs are falling into place, according to one report: Helle Thornig-Schmidt for the European Council presidency, Federica Mogherini or Frans Timmermans for Perm Rep, Martin Schulz as Parliament president for a full-term, Pierre Moscovici for the eurogroup, and Jyrki Katainen as successor to Olli Rehn;

                      June 24, 2014

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                      With Juncker as Commission president, the other jobs are falling into place

                      The Socialists leaders agreed that in return for supporting Jean-Claude Juncker, they want their own people for the two other big jobs – president of the EU Council and Perm Rep. The front runner for the Council presidency is Helle Thornig-Schmidt, who is also supported by Merkel, and who seems to enjoy broad support.

                      On the Commission presidency, the European Council will take a formal vote – at the insistence of David Cameron who seems hell-bent to be demonstratively outvoted.

                      The most informed article on the ensuing jobs carousel came from Corriere della Sera this morning, which reports that Matteo Renzi is pushing hard for Federica Mogherini, his foreign minister, as the Perm Rep to succeed Catherine Ashton. Italy is seeking one high profile appointment given the strong performance of the Italian PD in the European electiosn.

                      Martin Schulz is to be re-elected president of the European Parliament – for a full term of five years.

                      The article said the French would get Pierre Moscovici as the permanent head of the eurogroup. The most likely Commissioner for Economic Affairs will be Jyrki Katainen, the outgoing Finnish prime minister. The German Commissioner Günter Oettinger is to be reappointed in his current role as energy Commissioner. 

                      Perhaps someone can explain to us why Jyrki Katainen resigns as PM to take up Olli Rehn’s job? We know that Katainen has run the National Coalition for ten years, and that perhaps it was time for a change. But it is unusual for a former prime minister to settle for a job as a member of the Commission.
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                      June 23, 2014

                      Arnaud Montebourg got himself a deal to allow French state to become main shareholder in Alstrom ahead of the agreed alliance between Alstom and GE;
                      • David Barroux argues that this type of interference will have knock-on effects on global companies’ willingness to invest in France;

                      June 23, 2014

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                      The return of old-style industrial policy in France

                      The French government sealed a last minute deal on Sunday for the French state to become the main shareholder in Alstom to guarantee the "efficiency, solidity and sustainability" of the agreed alliance between Alstom and General Electric. Economy minister Arnaud Montebourg succeeded to secure an option to buy 20% of Alstom from Bouygues at an unspecified discount, provided the market value is at least €35 per share. If by then the state has not bought 20%, either from Bouygues or on the market, it has the right to purchase up to 15% at a similar discount whatever the market price. Alstom shares closed at €28.00 on Friday, Reuters reports.

                      In Les Echos, David Barroux said this partial nationalisation was not necessary for the deal with GE, as Montebourg already exerted a heavy influence on the negotiations. The only reason for this extra expense of €2bn is political, to hammer down the message that if the state wants to, it 'can do'. Barroux warns that this way of political interference will certainly have a knock- on effect on other international companies who seek to invest in France.

                      Cecile Cornudet remarks that Montebourg and Segolene Royal, who announced a state share in Ecomouv to control eco-tax collection, demonstrate that the government can influence the course of action. The problem is that their message runs somewhat contrary to the government's message for the last two years, that France should reduce its debts.

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                      June 19, 2014

                      ALDE is now accepting multiple member parties from Spain, which are at loggerheads at home;

                        June 19, 2014

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                        The ALDE rainbow coalition

                        After the collapse of the British and German liberals, the ALDE has become a bit desperate to keep its status as it is losing to the ECR its status as the third largest group in the European Parliament. This has led to accepting in its fold parties from the same country which would appear incompatible from the point of view of national politics. Yesterday we presented the Belgian case, today the Spanish. The Spanish contingent in the ALDE consists of CDC (1), PNV (1), C (2) and UPyD (4).

                        It used to be that the Catalan nationalists of Convergència (CDC, senior partner of CiU) and the Basque nationalists of PNV were already members of ALDE, but now two nation-wide parties Ciudadanos (C) and Unión Progreso y Democracia (UPyD) have been allowed in. This is an issue because C and UPyD are both virulently anti-nationalist, hence CDC and PNV voted against allowing them in. In particular, UPyD secured a declaration from Guy Verhofstadt that ALDE respects "the territorial integrity of the State", a stick they have already started to beat CiU and PNV with. Amusingly, the Liberal International in April adopted a resolution promising support for “any decision taken by the Catalan people on their future”. Public taunting among these four parties can be expected to continue.

                        While CDC are bona-fide liberals the PNV is more of a Christian Democratic party, but it left the EPP in 1999 so as not to share a party with Aznar’s PP, and sought refuge with the Liberals. C started out as a Catalanist anti-nationalist party, and after some success in Catalonia they branched out nationally and earlier this year they joined ELDR. UPyD started out when Rosa Díez, a Basque Socialist who contested the PSOE leadership in 2000, was an MEP in the 2004-9 term, but quit the party in 2007 in protest against Zapatero´s openness to the reform of the Catalan statute (which the PP later successfully challenged before Spain’s Constitutional Court, a development contributing in no small measure to the current Catalan independence movement).

                        The N-VA, meanwhile, decided not to take up the Alde offer after all and to join David Cameron's group instead. With its last minute change of mind and its preference for a Eurosceptic group the N-VA looks like it is intended to humiliate Guy Verhofstadt, who told Le Soir that this move was not a good one for Europe.

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                        June 18, 2014

                        New ministers in Greek cabinet put into question decisions of their predecessors;

                          June 18, 2014

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                          Greek government wavering

                          The new Greek government seems to be wavering on decisions already taken, according to Kathimerini. Among the new ministers seeking a review of recent decisions are Education Minister Andreas Loverdos, who suggested that he could not enforce a budget that he himself had not voted for in Parliament. Also Interior Minister Argyris Dinopoulos appeared to make an overture to local authority employees protesting the mobility scheme, noting that their concern “is not unjustified.”

                          Administrative staff at universities who have been affected by the mobility scheme are planning a fresh wave of action following a long strike last fall that paralyzed the higher education sector. The staff object to a government decision to rehire 600 staff who were put in a mobility scheme last year but to leave another 500 or so out of a job. The senate of Athens University described the new move as “very displeasing and a total reversal of everything that has been discussed and agreed over the past six months with the government,” condemning “the government’s inconceivable wavering,”

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                          Italy’s reforms not going so well

                          • the Italian opposition unites in an effort to bring down Matteo Renzi’s flagship reform to turn the Senate into a revising chamber;
                          • Francesco Giavazzi, meanwhile, writes that the spending review by Carlo Cottarelli is not going too well either.

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